Modeling Amerindian Sea Travel in the Early
Colonial CaribbeanEmma SlaytonCarnegie Mellon Universityeslayton@andrew.cmu.edu
Emma Slayton is the Data Curation, Visualization, and GIS specialist at
Carnegie Mellon University Libraries. She obtained an MPhil from the
University of Oxford in 2013 and completed her Ph.D. at the Faculty of
Archaeology, Leiden University in 2018. Her current work centers around
improving and supporting digital literacy efforts, as well as using
computer models to look at possible past sea routes routes connecting
island communities. Orcid ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2230-3101.
Alliance of Digital Humanities OrganizationsAssociation for Computers and the Humanities000482014415 December 2020article
This is the source
DHQ classification scheme; full list available at http://www.digitalhumanities.org/dhq/taxonomy.xmlKeywords supplied by author; no controlled vocabularycomputer applications in archaeologyseafaringnavigationreworked abstract structure
It is difficult to discuss pre- and early post-European contact
life in the Caribbean. In part, this is due to the nature of European record
keeping, which often failed to fully capture Amerindian practices.
Archaeologists have long attempted to resolve these difficulties through the
analysis of early colonial Caribbean materials and objects that reflect both
Spanish and Amerindian influence. Through the use of computer modeling it is
possible to approach this issue from a new perspective, that of discerning
mainland–island or inter–island connections across the pre–Columbian and
historic divide. Modeling hypothetical canoe routes based on the location of
inhabited sites (between 1000 AD – 1550 AD) across Trinidad and the mainland
coast of South America towards the Windward Islands can help to explore possible
avenues of travel that were changed or interrupted during the early colonial
period. This paper will approach this debate by looking for the location of
early colonial Amerindian sites and determining if connections between them
would reflect use of European influenced areas in this region.
Es difícil discutir la vida colonial en su etapa
inicial en el Caribe. En parte, esto se debe a la naturaleza de los
registros europeos, que a menudo no lograron capturar completamente las
prácticas amerindias. Los arqueólogos han intentado durante mucho tiempo
resolver estas dificultades mediante el análisis de materiales y objetos del
Caribe provenientes del período colonial temprano que reflejan tanto la
influencia española como la amerindia. A través del uso o modelado por
computadora, es posible abordar este tema desde una nueva perspectiva, que
distingue las conexiones entre las islas y el continente o entre las islas a
través de la división precolombina e histórica. El modelado de las rutas
hipotéticas de canoas basadas en la desaparición o aparición de sitios entre
Trinidad y la costa continental de Sudamérica hacia las Islas de Barlovento
puede ayudar a explorar posibles vías de viaje que fueron cambiadas o
interrumpidas durante el período colonial temprano. Este artículo aborda
este debate explorando la ubicación de los primeros sitios amerindios
durante el período colonial temprano y determinando si las conexiones entre
ellos pudieran reflejar esfuerzos para evitar las áreas controladas por
Europa en esta región.
This article investigated Amerindian practices by modeling hypothetical canoe
routes across Trinidad and mainalnd coast of South America between 1000 AD -
1550 AD.
Introduction
Considering the written record is a vital component in evaluating the effect of
early colonial encounters on Amerindian life in the Caribbean. Documents that
reference Amerindian practices provide insight into everything from foodstuffs
to the basics of canoe use or construction (ex. Benozi 1563; Columbus 1498;
Mendez 1933; Oviedo Valdes 1851). In turn, there are some detailed references to
the movement of these, and the people who used them, between different islands.
The specific routes by which these goods moved, and their alteration after the
arrival of Europeans, are unfortunately difficult to trace through text and
traditional archaeological analysis alone. Inconsistencies in the areas of
coastline surveyed, the small number of objects relating to seafaring toolkits
documented in the archaeological record, and the limited references concerning
the specifics of canoe use by Amerindians in the historical record make these
investigations challenging. Yet knowledge of the location of these pathways
would help us understand specifics about Amerindian connections and social
interactions not made explicit in the historical record.
Digital humanities approaches, or humanist theory as applied to or analyzed by
computer applications, can provide a solution to this issue. Through the
application of archaeological inquiry and computational analysis, the movement
of materials and peoples in this region can be modeled as representations of
past canoe routes between two points. These generated routes can offer insight
into connections that developed long before Columbus’ arrival and continued as
prime canoe pathways after European colonization. The trajectory of canoe travel
corridors, or the routes people followed by South American mainland and Lesser
Antillean communities were likely altered by European contact (1498–1650 AD),
something that is unlikely to be represented explicitly in historical texts.
To explore the location heavily used for voyaging by Amerindians I modeled
hypothetical canoe routes between communities in contact, as referenced in the
historical or archaeological record. Specifically, I used least-cost pathway
analysis to determine travel corridors taking the least amount of time that may
have existed. Such methods are drawn from previous landscape models (ex. ) and seascape , which rely on algorithms to calculate these time
costs. In many cases, these algorithms are either A* or Djekstra and tabulate the cost to movement by adding the
difficulty of moving between regions of topography together until the lowest
value between two points on a map can be determined.
The area from the north coast of mainland South America to the Windward Islands
provides an interesting perspective for this approach. Though contact with
Europeans in the Caribbean occurred in 1498, Amerindians were still using
traditional seafaring lines well into the 1700s. Contacts between Amerindian
peoples from South America and Europeans as referenced in early colonial
accounts and the archaeological record, were taken alongside modeled least–cost
pathways that consider the areas where interaction between these communities may
have taken place. The results of route modeling are used to evaluate where and
to what result Amerindians’ travel corridors may have related to Europeans into
the region. These efforts can help to provide a base for further analysis of
Amerindian culture across the pre–Columbian and historic divide.
Routes Demonstrated in Pre–Columbian and Historical Record in the
Caribbean
Seafaring practices covered the maintenance of a complex web of social and
material mobility networks that linked these communities. When the Europeans
arrived in the Caribbean at the end of the 15th century, peoples from the north
coast of South America to the Windward Islands formed complex groups of
multi–lingual and multi–ethnic individuals ). These cross–island/mainland relationships were
built on the sea, and the connections and materials that could be gained by
traveling it. This often meant that island communities were more focused on
inter–island rather than intra–island connections (see ). Excavated sites dating to the colonial period
possess materials that suggest substantial interactions existed between peoples
on different islands .
Though the evidence used as the base for the discussion in this paper primarily
comes from the archaeological record, we also see support for these connections
in ethnohistoric accounts. The first written information about peoples from
Trinidad and Tobago appears in the logs of Columbus’ third voyage in 1498 (see also ).
Later writers reported on Spanish efforts to take over the Orinoco River area as
well as the islands off what today is the Venezuelan coast (Boomert 2016). Due
to their proximity to Amerindians, these early chroniclers were thus able to
view the comings and goings of seafarers between specific regions and islands,
accounts often document the location of prominent canoe travel corridors used by
Amerindians moving from the mainland to the Windward Islands and back. One of
the earliest records of such a voyage comes from Columbus on his first voyage,
where he mentions abducting a man mid-voyage between two points. Others also
have made note of these types of voyages. Raymond Breton wrote during his stay
on Dominica (1635): They are descended from the people
of the mainland closest to the island… The friendship they maintain with
them and their commerce with them are signs of it. [Breton and la Paix
1926: 45‑46] ).
Though these records are not from the region in question, it does set an example
for Europeans meddling in Amerindian transportation routes from the time of
initial contact. Breton, in addition to mentioning voyages near Dominica,
recounted that South American Kaliña had branched out from their coasts to
colonize the islands . Others disagreed and considered
these connections between Island Carib peoples on St. Vincent at the period in
question were mere associations and not deeper ties, as suggested by de
Rochefort . Another example comes from reference to
contact between peoples of Trinidad and Grenada by Dutch sailors in 1628 .
Historical accounts also mention canoe crews using Tobago as a waypoint on their
way to raid Arawak communities on the mainland . The
governor of Tobago in 1654 noted that both mainland Kaliña and island Kalinago
canoers used the small island as a rest area for traveling between the two
regions (Mollens, in ). The governor of
St. Kitts, in the late 1620s, suggested it was too hazardous to colonize Tobago
because of the number of Carib vessels traveling by the island . What is clear, even in the historic record, is that
these groups were linked. Information concerning the movements of Amerindian
peoples within these European sources can provide insight into past practices of
Amerindian seafaring, as well as context for connections shown by least–cost
pathway modeling.
Historical records from early contact periods can also be problematic, not only
because they often ignore large portions of Amerindian culture, but also because
what they do mention often paints only the vaguest of pictures. For example,
while canoeing Amerindians and their watercraft were popular topics for European
chroniclers, reports about specific construction techniques or navigation
practices were often glossed over. Likewise, none of these documents included
detailed description of Amerindian canoeing activity. Most often they simply
referred to the speed, size of the vessel or crew, and rough design of the canoe
(ex. Bernáldez, in ), without
discussing specific details about construction or navigation practices. For
example, Columbus describes seeing Amerindians in a large war canoe, or pirogue,
holding 25 men off the west coast of Trinidad in his 1498 dairies . However, the full picture of the
technology and canoeing strategies goes unmentioned. Others also go into detail
about the great length of these vessels, some extending 26 paces. Depictions of
canoes seem to indicate that pre–Columbian travel was conducted without the use
of sails. This absence would have limited the reach of seafarers, making their
voyages targeted to areas within paddle distance of coastlines. It is from these
limits that we can discern a base for modeling watercraft and site locations to
retrace routes referred to by European chroniclers and observed in the
archaeological record. It is in the margins or sparse commentary that
researchers must look to contextualize what is found in the archaeological
record.
While colonial records provide possible insights into pre–Columbian seafaring
technology, the introduction of new technologies and people into the region
began to alter inter–island relationships. There were changes in technological
toolkits, such as the sporadic adoption and adaption of the sail . Tracking population fluctuations and movement to
new settlements, and the role of European contact in these developments, can
show regional changes in relationships . The decline
of island populations because of the impact of forced removal of the populations
and the spread of disease also influenced the construction of regional mobility
patterns.
Record of this movement was not always positive. Interaction between Amerindians
and Europeans often resulted in violent encounters. The fact that Tobago
remained free of colonization until midway through the eighteenth century, in
part due to persistent attacks by Kaliña (mainland Amerindian communities) and
Kalingao (Windward Island Amerindian communities) peoples from the Windward
Islands , speaks to its importance as a waypoint along the
mobility corridors connecting mainland and island communities. That control of
the eastern side of Trinidad remained difficult for Europeans also points to the desire of Amerindians to keep
these travel corridors clear. These waypoints, or areas where there were safe
portages for canoes, needed to be preserved to maintain the connection between
Kaliña and their island Kalinago counterparts (see Figure 2).
As time passed, it is probable that Amerindians canoeing between the islands
sought to minimize contact with Europeans. These patterns of avoidance may have
been based on techniques learned from previous generations, as many of the
groups in this region participated in raiding of other settlements and possibly learned evasive maneuvering. The
placement of canoe corridors may have centered on whether they took paddlers
near to or away from coastlines, either to take advantage of an easy rest point
or to avoid contact that may lead to an unfavorable result. In the case of the
early European contact record, the location of interaction around the island
like Margarita for pearl fishing, could have reinforced links moving to the
eastern coast of Venezuela to the islands, which was a popular travel corridor
prior to European contact, as referenced in the archaeology.
Though the historical record provides some information on Amerindian mobility
corridors, the majority of evidence for direct contact between peoples of this
region comes from the archaeological record. Materials — mostly ceramics — that
connect sites on different islands tie stylistically to designs developed on the
mainland .
The Amerindian peoples of the Windward Islands were influenced by several avenues
of exchange, both from the islands in the north and the mainland in the south
(see . Similar styles of ceramic vessel shapes and
decoration can be seen between ceramics found in the Guianas, or Koraibo
ceramics, and in the Windward Islands, or Cayo ceramics, that date to periods
directly before and after European contact (1250–1600 AD) . Comparable shapes include Cassava brewing ceramics,
for example, which can be found in both Kaliña and Kalinago assemblages . Stylistic similarities include adornos, or ceramic
elements adorning vessels, fashioned in anthropomorphic motifs and found on the
upper sections of ceramic objects . Rim decoration,
common in mainland Koriabo ceramics, found on Late Ceramic Age (AD 1200–1500)
and early colonial period (AD 1498 to 1600) island–produced wares from
Guadeloupe to Tobago, also indicate a connection .
Island–made Cayo ceramics likely resulted from local attempts to fit within
macro–regional interaction networks . In fact, the rise of Cayo style vessels largely
coincided with the inception of mainland Kaliña materials, also known as the
Koriabo style . Cayo ceramics have been considered a simplified
version of Koriabo ware . Currently there are roughly 20 sites that possess
Cayo ceramics within the Lesser Antilles , the
majority of which are centered around the islands of Grenada and St. Vincent.
Replicating these connections through least–cost pathways should center on
modeling routes between Cayo sites on Grenada or St. Vincent and the area off
the coast of Guyana, following the trajectory of both stylistic and linguistic
transfer, including references to canoe–centric names or to shared words around
travel or connection . For example, the connection
of settlements and canoe use is indicated in the term hueitinocou,
meaning both villager and member of a canoe crew .
That these patterns are noted in the archaeological record and by Europeans
throughout the early contact period points to the longevity of these travel
corridors, despite possible adversarial encounters between
Europeans and Amerindian groups.
These systems of interactions and mobility corridors stemmed from routes created
during early micro– and macro–regional explorations that brought migrating
communities from the South American mainland into the islands . It is likely that avenues of movement developed as
lifelines for Amerindian island settlers and solidified into deeper patterns of use for the
exchange or raiding practices described by Europeans after 1500. However, as
pointed out by Hofman and Carlin [2010, 111],
the maintenance of these networks was tied to the shifting priorities of
Amerindian communities both in the islands and on the mainland. These shifts
were based on a desire to adapt social ties, develop avenues of exchange, or to
engage in conflict. Therefore, a discussion of the location of routes modeled
from around the northern coast of mainland South America past Trinidad or Tobago
towards the Windward Islands furthers our understanding of the location of
travel corridors from long–standing exchange patterns to those encountered by
early colonial visitors.
Methods
The physical processes of moving through the Caribbean have traditionally been
evaluated through ethnographic and historic accounts. For example, many
researchers refer to the ease of movement linked with following known
environmental patterns, such as the South Equatorial or Guiana Current, and the
prevailing northeastern trade winds associated with movement to and from
Trinidad . Adding lines of evidence for movement
through computer–based modeling allows us to ask new, more detailed questions
about connections between Kaliña and Kalinago communities. When combined with
traditional text–based and archaeological analysis, modeled movement between
these areas is an important aspect of the broader analysis of social networks in
the region, both pre– and post–European contact.
The routes analyzed here can be tied to the theory of least–cost pathway
analysis, in which pathways are generated based on the cumulative effort of
either the caloric or time expenditure it takes to travel from one geographic
point to another . Least–cost pathway analysis is a common technique
used in archaeology to evaluate possible connections between sites. The method
is often applied to movement through landscapes, where the cost of the journey
is tied to movement with or against slopes within a terrain (e.g., ; ). These methods are
often based on Dijkstra's algorithm, which most commonly is used find the
shortest paths from a fixed source point to all other grids within a raster
surface, resulting in a shortest-path tree. These calculate the environment to
assign portions of the area with a cost in time or energy, which then can be
added together as a path is charted through these areas.
In most cases, several least–cost routes are modeled between various points that
correspond to archaeological sites within a landscape. These routes are then
compared against existing knowledge and theory of connection in the area to draw
conclusions about social relationships between sites. In recent years, interest
in modeling this type of movement on waterscapes has increased, inspiring work
on regional connections from the Pacific (see ) to the Caribbean (see ). This interest is likely to grow as access to more
robust and higher resolution climate data sets, both modern and reconstructed,
become available.
Previous work in the Caribbean region has largely focused on analyzing models of
large scale migration or colonization routes. Richard Callaghan has completed extensive work in this area,
describing migration and travel patterns for both drift and non-drift voyages
from the coast of South America to the Greater Antilles, as well as along the
South and Central American coast. Others who have followed in his footsteps have
either focused on similar scales of migration or
similar areas, such as the Greater Antilles . The
goal of this paper is to explore maintained relationships between island and
mainland communities at a finer scale and in as yet little modeled areas in the
Caribbean using this underutilized digital method (see also ), to compare with the historic and archaeological
record.
For this work, I applied an isochrone approach to least–cost pathway modeling to
examine seafaring routes. An isochrone method simply refers to a model that
evaluates movement over the generated environmental surface based on where an
agent, or individual, can move within a particular set
time (see ). Here I use the modified isochrone method, as
based on Hagiwara, where movement is calculated using a variant of Dijkstra's
algorithm. Specifically, I focused on the distance it is possible for a modeled
canoe to move from where the boat was launched within a set time period.
Although many possible directions of travel are evaluated, consecutive route
segments are chosen based on the direction of travel where the canoe can move
the furthest during the set time period derived
from calculations using modified isochrone method based on a global
understanding of the environment or the anticipation of all possible routes.
This process is repeated until the landing point — in most cases a known
settlement area — is reached. These segments are then linked together to form a
continuous route that suggests where it would have been easiest for canoes to
travel between two points (see for example Figure 2).
As such, routes can reflect traditional navigation practices, as seafarers may
have reevaluated their boat’s heading several times during a journey, which is
reflected in the length of time between isochrone generations in the model.
Keeping with the theme of modeling hypothetical travel corridors taken by real
world canoers, there was an option to set a canoe speed within the model. This
speed is reflective of the paddling power of those on board. Here, the canoe
speed was set at 3 knots (see also ) or the typical
speed achieved by canoers on experimental canoeing voyages in the region (.
I used modern day environmental data, such as current and wind direction and
strength, as the base for the surface on which these segments were modeled (see
). Specifically, surfaces were based on modern
environmental data captured for the Caribbean Sea; water current data was
gathered from the National Oceanographic and Atmospheric (NOAA) Amseas 3D
program and wind data from the NOAA Global Forecast System (GFS) (for a more
detailed discussion see ). These two data sets have
a particularly robust iteration period, i.e., the time intervals over which
environmental data is captured; new current or wind is data generated which
allows for the model to evaluate updated currents every three hours.
Additionally, the Amseas 3D program captures information every 3 km2, while the
GFS can only return information in 25 km segments. As a result, the tool
includes a function that allows for these surfaces to be interpolated, or
meshed, together. In this way current and wind are both reflected in the
underlying surface on which the route segments are based on.
Though sequential modern current data was used as the base for this analysis, it
is important to note that others have used randomized or past-forecasted climate
data. However, due to the lack of change in bathymetry (or under water
topography) in this region, combined with the relatively stable current and wind
data from the periods discussed , modern data was
deemed acceptable due to the high rate of iterative data provided by NOAA. Using
this type of current data is also effective due to the geographic unit and time
iteration of the NOAA models, as it allows for a finer resolution within the
cost surface than has been used in other examples where nautical sailing charts
were used .
Additionally, this iterative data allows for the capture of extreme weather (ex.
hurricanes) in the return of high cost routes. In the future, more types of
environmental constraints (i.e. wave height) should be considered. In keeping
with the iteration period of both data sets, routes were modeled every three
hours, during the months of January, April, August, and November due to the
seasonal fluctuations observed in the underlying data sets (see ).
Routes modeled were connected to the Amerindian and European contact period by
using launch and landing points known for their extended use leading up to and
directly after the contact period. Though not to be taken as an exact
representation of the past, routes modeled in this way can suggest avenues of
contact between mainland and island Amerindian communities.
Due to limitations with the extent of the underlying data set used to model these
travel corridors, I was unable to model routes directly from communities from
the southern Guianas. By viewing routes modeled from an area at the farthest
extent of the underlying environmental data set, however, it was possible to
evaluate routes that passed by large areas of Guyana that were inhabited by
Kaliña peoples who were likely in contact with island communities. Routes
examined in this study were modeled from off the coast of Guyana (Figures 2 to
5). In order to ensure efficiency in comparisons for this work, routes towards
only sites on only two islands, Grenada and St. Vincent, will be discussed.
Routes for this paper were taken from the author’s PhD research on movement to
and from the coast of Guyana and the Windward Islands . The evaluation of these routes centers on how they can be used to
hypothesize the location of known connection points and on how peoples following
these mobility routes may have reacted to European arrival. As such, examples of
routes referenced here (Figures 2 to 5) were chosen for their relationship to
point of contact between newly–arrived Europeans and established Amerindian
travel corridors mentioned in the ethnohistorical record (ex. Mollens, in ). Due to limited space provided by this
article, I will briefly discuss two examples of travel corridors modeled from
the South American mainland to the Windward Islands using this qualitative
analysis.
Modeled Routes and Comparisons to the Historical Record
Examples of European style pottery within site depositions on Grenada and St .
Vincent indicate that some level of exchange was
being sought by Amerindian peoples to acquire these materials, even if they
indirectly acquired them through down–the–line exchange with other Amerindian
groups. Amerindian–produced pottery also indicates the strength of these ties,
showcasing the longevity of contact between mainland and island communities.
Stylistic motifs used in Kalinago pottery are viewed as connected to those
produced by mainland populations . Modeling these
corridors, established through connections recognized from archaeology and the
historic record, we can begin to assess possible travel corridors which carried
these peoples and materials.
One of the travel corridors analyzed in this paper suggests movement along the
coast of Tobago, while the other looks at movement towards the northern coast of
Venezuela, where Amerindian canoers were more likely to have encountered the
newly arrived Spanish. As mentioned above, routes were modeled between sites
from suspected Cayo sites dating to AD 1250–1600 ,
which in some cases overlapped with European arrival. This allows for a brief
discussion of the differences in contact opportunities for peoples along each
possible corridor.
The travel corridor over the north coast of Trinidad towards the northeast coast
of Venezuela was indicated by several routes modeled between the Guianas and the
Windward Islands. Movement along the north coast of Trinidad was likely a
crucial aspect of the mobility network around Venezuela to the Windward Islands.
This is due in part to the ability for persons to see the Windward Islands from
the northeast coast of Trinidad . Routes that pass
by the northern coast of Trinidad commonly travel past the eastern coast of the
island as well. The separation of communities from the western and eastern sides
of the island is evident in both the archaeological and historic record . This may have played into preferences for routes
that avoided the western half of the island as well, in connection with later
notes on island habitation from colonial sources.
The acknowledgment of Tobago being used as a through–point of connection, both in
the archaeological record and by European Governors of St. Kitts and Tobago,
indicates that in some cases avoidance of Europeans was not possible or sought
out. In addition, routes modeled from Guyana run directly past the site of
Blanchisseuse, possibly highlighting the importance of finding natural rest
points along routes . In the case of Figure 2, the
route ran directly into the area adjacent to the site. The placement of this
circa AD 1200–1500 site supports the focus of peoples in this region towards
inter–island connections, and the site may have acted as a waypoint for travel
between Kaliña and Kalinago communities. Though use of this site was largely
ended by the time Europeans arrived in this region, it does support the link
between settlement use and the trajectory of routes returned by this model. The
strong connection between the suggested routes and active use by Amerindians
indicates that other modeled routes can stand in for past avenues of mobility.
We might also ask archaeologists to question why natural stopping points used in
earlier periods are not reestablished after European contact, as many sites or
areas are typically part of a habitation season or cycle in the ceramic age.
Modeled routes following the trajectory in Figure 3 also go further to the west,
keeping to the northern coast of Trinidad in its entirety and on rare occasions
making contact with the Península de Paria. Peoples moving along more westerly
routes could potentially have made contact with the active mobility corridors
around coastal Venezuela. Pathways like these would also have brought peoples
from Trinidad and the Guianas into contact with Europeans who settled within
this region to gain access to pearl harvesting areas (see ). The intensity of use of these routes thus may have
been altered due to this presence. This may explain why ceramics at sites like
Blanchisseuse, inhabited or before conflict, show a change in this period.
However, it may also be that increased raiding activity in the region or
conflict between peoples on the west coast of Trinidad and the Venezuelan coast
linked to this avoidance, as well. Re-evaluating routes within this mobility
corridor, from the coast of Venezuela towards the Windward Islands needs to be
done alongside considerations of materials found within the sites used as origin
points needs to be done. It may help researchers to understand better if or when
peoples traveled from the Guianas to the north coast of Trinidad post AD
1500.
Another prominent corridor indicated by modeling routes between the Windward
Islands and the area off the coast of Grenada covers the east and west coast of
Trinidad (Figure 4). That many of the routes modeled between St. Vincent and
Guyana’s coast show movement past Tobago comports with the multiple references
in the historical record that point to the island’s importance to Amerindian
peoples as a waypoint for travel between the Windward Islands and the mainland.
These references make note of altercations between Amerindians and Europeans,
where the former was perhaps intimidating the others who were populating Tobago
. Efforts to keep the island clear may have been
linked to its prominence as a waypoint, with the need to protect travel
corridors between Windward Islands settlements and the mainland
homeland communities. That Tobago is referred to
multiple times by Europeans as an Amerindian waypoint between these two regions
further highlights the island’s significance.
The consistent movement of peoples past the island of Tobago, which was known by
both Amerindians and Europeans to be a waypoint for Amerindian travelers, shows
a commitment to this travel corridor. The strong response by Amerindians to
protect Tobago, and its lack of European settlement until the late eighteenth
century, indicates that these corridors of movement may have been only partially
disrupted by Spanish settlement on islands off the Venezuela coast. Even the
east coast of Trinidad remained relatively free of European influence,
protecting through lines of traffic from disruption. As such, it is likely that
only towards the eighteenth century did these routes truly suffer the full
impact of outside influences.
Routes that pass by Tobago originated in all points used for the start and end of
voyages, both for the Guyana and the Grenada or St. Vincent start/end points
(example Figure 4 and 5). This showcases the wide variety of peoples who may
have taken advantage of stopping at this island. Unfortunately, there are still
many stretches of Tobago’s coastline left to be surveyed by archaeologists and
connections between specific mainland sites and those from the island are
difficult to draw. In the future, areas that lie along modeled routes, areas of
survey, and the specifics of European mentions of Tobago should be compared.
It is also possible to evaluate the position of these routes not in terms of how
they may have been affected by the presence of outsiders but by the efforts of
Amerindian peoples to preserve them. The existence of these exchange and raiding
corridors has been referred to as vital to the social structures of Amerindian
Islanders. The desire to protect these connections was likely high and is
conceivably reflected in the response of the Amerindians who fought to keep
Europeans out of this area.
Conclusion
This paper explores possible routes that connected the Late Ceramic Age/early
European contact period Kaliña peoples of the mainland and the Kalinago peoples
of the Windward Islands with the idea of connecting them to the location of
canoe routes referenced within the ethnohistoric record of the early colonial
period. Here, I specifically relate to the mentions of Amerindian peoples in
canoes that pass the area between St. Vincent and Grenada between 1492 and 1650
AD. These references to the location of Amerindian travel corridors provide some
insight into where Caribbean canoers paddled, but they only make up one brush
stroke of the larger painting of these networks.
This paper provides an example of how computational archaeology methods can act
as a context for knowing the location of routes these comments were based on, as
well as where these routes passed when out of sight of Europeans. The use of
computational least-cost pathway modeling — a digital approach to humanities —
is a vital addition to traditional modes of analysis of Amerindian mobility
during this period. This is due to the limited European knowledge of the canoe
routes that traversed this area. The methods used to generate the hypothetical
canoe routes discussed above reveal new layers of understanding that would be
impossible without computer modeling. These avenues of inquiry highlight the
importance of using digital humanities techniques to supplement traditional
text–based analysis.
The level to which these travel corridors remained in the minds Amerindians prior
to or after the arrival of Columbus is unknowable. However, studies like these
can provide a unique opportunity to examine the existing historical and
archaeological record. The fact that the possible location of these corridors in
some cases lie close to known archaeological sites from this period support some
preliminary theories as to the underlying process of movement between these
groups. However, to what extent Europeans encountered Amerindian peoples, and
vice versa, cannot be learned through modeling alone. These modeled routes can
only be discussed as a reflection of the singular least–cost path between two
areas rather than as corridors reactive to social stressors. Further examination
of textual resources, archaeological sites, and additional modelled routes needs
to be conducted in order to determine if shifts in Amerindian population areas
around the time of European contact met with them on the travel corridors that
crisscrossed the expanse between the mainland and the Windward Islands.
Acknowledgments
I would like to thank Corinne Hofman for the guidance she provided on my PhD
research, on which this article is based. I would also like to thank Jan
Athenstädt and Jan Hildenbrand for their work in creating the seafaring
isochrone model used in this research.
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